Everything I quoted came from this book
Lebor-gabála-Érenn-taking-Ireland
OK. I couldn't get from that link to anything more than excerpts from the book. I have to think well of the editor, Macalister, since he agrees with me
about Books I/II/VIII, that it is a separate and late composition from Books III-VII, made up by a Christian author to make a pseudo-Biblical origin story, not to be trusted for any historical content. He says (Book VIII. Introduction. page 2, the only section I can reliably get the text of) that "
Liber occupationis [Book of Occupations, his term for I/II/VIII, as opposed to 'the originally independent
Liber praecursorum'] was originally composed, not in Irish, but in Latin" as an explanation for why its text is so highly variable, and goes on to describe it as "merely a quasi-learned parody of the story of the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites" (citing several precise parallels) and assesses it (on p. 1) "the book not only possesses no historical value-- as is only too obvious; but in the form in which it is presented it has next to no importance in the general field of anthropology".
I thought I might have been missing something when it started at Vol. III, but it looked to be a translation of the original source material because the Celtic version is on every other page.
So you are getting an actual bilingual, with the Irish text facing the English translation? How do you get to it?
Yet, it did pretty much mention everything you described.
But it is also containing a lot of other stuff that I don't understand. The annotations appear to be from various dates in the 18th and 19th centuries: the names "Sosarmes" (from a 17th century misprinted Herodotus) and "Labashi Marduk" (from early decipherments of cuneiform in the mid-19th century) are obviously not from the
Lebor Gabala Erenn itself, and can't even be from Vallancey. Does Macalister mark off "Notes" or "Commentary" from translations of the
Lebor itself? For example, it's my understanding that in the
Lebor Partholon migrates from Babylon to Greece to Sicily and then sails out the Pillars of Hercules; Nemed is from Greece (descended from a brother of Partholon who stayed behind there) and sails from the Maeotian Sea to the Caspian to the Arctic Ocean (impossible, but medievals didn't know that); the Danaan were a branch of Nemedians who were chased out to Hyperborea (a totally imaginary paradise by the North Pole) and return from there. You assert that they were "all from Scythia": who says so?
Also I'm not really sure where you're coming up your date for the development of the Celtic language.
You are confusing two different issues. The split of Indo-European into the Centum branch (Celtic and Italic) vs. all the rest (Germanic, Balto-Slavic, Indo-Iranian, Balkan Peripheral; what I have lumped as "Indo-Germanic") is ~4000 BCE, well after the divergence of Indo-Hittite into Anatolian and Indo-European proper, but well before the distinct emergence of all the sub-branches. Exactly when "Celtic" could be spoken of as a distinct entity, as opposed to Italic (and now-extinct Centum sub-branches like Vandic and Lusitanian), is more a matter of semantic definitions than of facts: the humans have been speaking something-or-other, ever since they have been humans, and at every ancient period the languages were what they were, regardless of what you want to call them.
But the issue I have talked about, which is more a question of fact than semantics, is at what date the Celtic languages
entered the British Isles. Celtic languages, or Indo-European languages gradually becoming more and more like "Celtic" depending on how you define it, had been spreading from central Europe to western Europe for thousands of years; but exactly when did they cross the Channel to replace "Iberian" languages in the islands? Without literacy, we can only go by archaeological signs of cultural transition: the spread of new agricultural techniques (new to Britain, that is; copying what had been practiced in Celtic areas on the Continent) in the mid-2nd millenium BCE is one of the major transitions; the introduction of "Hallstadt" culture (iron metallurgy, and other material artifacts) from the 7th to 3rd centuries BCE (in multiple waves) is the other. Technology can move without any migration of peoples, of course (Iberians in Britain might have traded with the Continent, learned of new ideas, and brought them home), and even where there was a movement of peoples, we don't know for certain that the people in question were Celtic-speaking until the "Bolgi" (latest of the Hallstadt waves) who interacted with literate cultures-- but we don't know any evidence to the contrary either.
I have expressed my opinion that the earlier ("Celtic field" agriculture) transition, rather than the later, is when the Celtic languages crossed over (the contrary opinion is also widespread among scholars). If my reasoning has not been clear: the genetic evidence indicates that the "Iberian" substrate contributes very little to the ancestry in Britain, whereas it remains an important percentage in Ireland; disappearance and replacement of a native populace is not characteristic of a military conquest (mythical tales of total slaughter are common but the reality always turns out to be a small aristocracy imposing itself on a larger peasantry and then assimilating), but is readily explained by an agricultural people out-multiplying a sparser Stone Age culture (compare the small percentage of Native American in the modern genetics of the US). In Ireland it would appear that the agriculturists trickled over slowly, and the natives learned to farm and keep their numbers up before they were overwhelmed; the mutation of the language into the "Q-Celtic" form unique to Ireland (Scottish Gaelic is also Q-Celtic but this is known to be from early medieval migration from Ireland) is typical of adoption of a new language by natives whose earlier speech was something quite other.
It seems like with the Irish history someone's always coming up with an earlier and earlier placement for when the Celtic languages developed and when the megaliths appeared
That's a totally different issue. The megaliths are principally in Britain, not Ireland (which is poor in sources for stone), and are
certainly from the pre-Celtic Iberians: the date of 1850 BCE established in the 1950's for charcoal from an altar that post-dates the completion of Stonehenge is already before the "Celtic fields" agricultural revolution; more recently a date of 2200 BCE has been established for the erection of some of the bluestones that appear to be mid-stage in the construction; this indication that the construction took centuries suggests that the earliest stage of the construction started perhaps earlier than 3000 BCE.
when it comes to the Indo-Iranians scholars are coming up with later and later dates for when their literature appeared.
What are you talking about? The scholarly consensus for a very long time was that Zoroaster was a few generations before Cyrus, contemporary with the kings of Anshan; when I first started debating this with you, I was unaware that this had changed. Now, the linguists think ~1200 BC is the date indicated by the state of Iranian language in the Gathas, and I have found those arguments convincing. The Gathas are
certainly centuries later than the Vedas: your stubborn refusal to accept that has no basis except your egotism.
Lastly, there are a few relationships that Vallancey also makes that I'm curious to know more about. 1. the NPer. mogh and Ir. mogh both designating a "priestly caste" of some sort.
In Irish I only know
Mog as an early
king, progenitor of the dynasty giving its name to
Moghan "Mog's half" (the south) whence
Moghanstadr > Munster "the southwest quarter". Comparing to "NPer." that is
New Persian is silly: the shift from "a" to "o" and from "g" to "gh" in
mag > mogh cannot be invoked to explain
earlier words in other languages unless you believe in time machines.
2. Ir. Magh "great [lake]" OPer. Maga "Great [cause]
Both are from the "M-quantitative" set of words in Indo-European, not only for large quantities like English
many/much/more/most, Latin
maius (hence English
major), Sanskrit
maha, but also for small quantities as in Latin
minus. Which consonant comes second after the "m" is different from one group to another for reasons that are not always clear: on another thread I said I really don't know why it is "g" in Persian
mag but we also see it, not just in this Irish "great" but also in Greek
mega.
3. Ir. Druid Iran. Daru "medicine" darakht cf. tree dorost cf. truth
Would you care to either support or diffuse these proposed etymological relationships?
Indo-European
*deru hence English
tree, Greek
druos "oak" etc. is associated to the meaning "straight" or "firm" as in English
true, and going back to Nostratic (hypothetical ancestor of Indo-European, Semitic etc.) that may have been the root-meaning, see Hebrew
derekh "straight path" (compare Latin
directio),
d-r-k "to walk, proceed in constant direction" (metaphorically, to behave morally).
Gaulish
dru-wid "oak-seer" was originally used in Aquitaine, where most people spoke a non-Indo-European language ancestral to Basque, and had a rather different religious culture (the sacred Oak of Gernika was revered in Basque country down to modern times); it was borrowed into Greek as
druidos by Sotion of Alexandria, who visited Aquitaine, and then it became the standard Latin term for any religious figure in Gaul because Julius Caesar, who didn't actually know anything about Gaulish religion, plagiarized a Latin translation of Sotion for his chapter in
De Bello Gallico on the subject. At least, now that's generally how it is thought to have happened: there has long been puzzlement that Caesar's chapter on the Druids describes them as societally dominant, even over-ruling the kings, and yet, in the rest of the book they never play the slightest role at all; Sotion was describing the society in Aquitaine, when elsewhere in Gaul conditions were quite different. Julius Caesar knew a Diviciacus as a political and military leader, but never calls him a "Druid"; but Cicero met him also, and since he knew how to read omens, calls him a "Druid" because that is the word he understands from Caesar to be the Gaulish term for such a person. That is, in Aquitaine the Druids were a separate "caste", outranking the political-military caste like Brahmans outranking Kshatriya in India; but in Gaul, there was no sharp distinction among the people involved in religion, politics, or the military, who were all drawn from the same class, and
druwid apparently wasn't even a word that the Gaulish holy men used for themselves at all, rather a word they used for the Aquitainian priests.
There were three sorts of holy men in Celtic society: the "bards" (Strabo gives
bardoi, a more accurate rendering of a foreign word than we usually get from him), who were not just poets but also preservers of the oral traditions; the "seers" (Irish
faidh, Gaulish
ovates according to Strabo, like Latin
vatis "prophet" as in "the Vatican") who could foretell the future by astrology, bird-watching, and other omens; and various "healers" and "philosophers" who knew practical sciences, called
druidoi in Strabo (though elsewhere that word is used as a catch-all for all these categories) but
maithin in Irish ("brothers" or "fellows" as they often lived in monastic-like communities, same root as English
mate and Sanskrit
maitri "friendship",
Mitra like Iranian
Mithra "god of alliances / contracts"). Irish subdivided the "poet" category further: a
bard specifically remembered historical sagas, and composed new ones to honor a king's deeds (and if the king did not pay him, vicious satires of the ungrateful king), while a
brehon remembered legal codes and precedents, and a
filidh scientific and magical lore (astronomy, medicine etc.) of the sort a
maithin might need to consult him about. The "tree/true" root mutated to
dara in Irish, and was not used for any of these types of holy men:
druid in Irish (like
druidecht "magic" in Welsh) is evidently a
borrowing from Latin rather than an independent inheritance from proto-Celtic, adopted when Christians needed some generic term for "pagan holy men" and did not wish to call them by names like "seer" that implied they were honorable. This is the great irony about the modern "Druids" in Britain and Ireland: although they want to revive the ancient traditions, it is probable that no-one ever called
themselves "druids" in the British Isles before the 18th century.